Batman’s got one, Superman’s got one, too – even the US President have a an emergency situation room where monitors are showing satellite images, security advisers are shouting at each other, and the Commander in Chief is given a briefing note and sends an agent out to gather more information. We’ve seen it in the movies. Well, now EU’s foreign relations chief, Catherine Ashton, is going to get one of her own.
“Member states are afraid to give away power. But this could be the new mega-commodity in Brussels.”
Ms. Ashton will not have an army or a “European Intelligence Service” to send into action. The centre-left British politician, a former activist in the anti-nuclear CND group, is said to distrust military types and her first priority is the kitchen-sink construction of the European External Action Service (EEAS).
But she has already told EU leaders that she wants a “single crisis response center” under her direct command, and internal discussion on the Ashton situation room is already at an advanced stage.
One consideration is a crisis department run by a director general, and situated close to Ms. Ashton’s office in the EEAS headquarters, most likely in the so-called “Triangle” building, facing the EU Council in the heart of the EU quarter in Brussels.
It would have a staff of some 160 people and a modest budget of €10 to €20 million a year, the EUobserver reports.
The situation room itself would have a conference table and banks of monitors showing breaking news and commercial satellite pictures of hotspots.
In the back-rooms, the crisis department would have a team of IT experts, scientists and tacticians sifting open source data in search of conflict threats.
Ms. Ashton’s private intelligence would come from officials manning 24/7 hotlines to the EU’s 136 foreign delegations and 14 civilian and military missions.
Another unit would send people to crisis zones at short notice to hunt for information.
A cell of secret-service agents seconded from key EU states would pass Ms. Ashton’s queries to spy agencies such as the UK’s MI6 or France’s DGSE and file replies.
SitCen already sends people into the field. When war broke out in Georgia in 2008 it dispatched two analysts to “re-inforce the EUSR with reporting,” a contact familiar with SitCen operations told the EUobserver.
In an insight into the opaque bureau’s work, the source added: “These are fairly normal people who have perhaps in their lives had some experience of being out in the field in a place less comfortable than Washington. They are not spooks by any means. We avoid anybody who even looks like one. They are people who can write reports. Who do not mind not staying in five star hotels. Who know how to take precautions when they go out at night.”
Current bureaucracy means that 27 EU ambassadors in the Political and Security Committee first hold a debate before tasking SitCen.
The idea is to give the EU foreign relations chief a powerful asset when she asks EU foreign ministers to deploy an EU battle-group or if she decides to send an EEAS diplomat, or even a prominent MEP, on a peace mission.
“Today, if you go through the normal channels to make a threat assessment in Kosovo, for example, by the time the [SitCen] officer gets to Pristina, it’s all over,” one PSC ambassador says.
“Imagine how effective the high representative could be if the new SitCen was to function like her shadow cabinet,” a contact in the EU institutions said. “Member states are afraid to give away power. But this could be the new mega-commodity in Brussels.”
Wider Or Deeper?
One question is whether the crisis response center will handle man-made conflicts only, or natural disasters and pandemics also.
The wider portfolio could spark turf wars between Ms, Ashton and aid and development commissioners Kristalina Georgieva and Andris Piebalgs.
It could also dilute EEAS resources, perpetuating the phenomenon of forgotten conflicts and threats, such as plans by UK private security firm Saracen International to build a pirate-fighting base in Somalia.
The Sidekick Question
But the big question is: who will be playing Ms. Ashton’s sidekick?
Former UK soldier and diplomat William Shapcott, who built SitCen, walked away in June to a new post in the EU Council administration, creating a risk that his successor might take a minimalist approach to the job.
One candidate for the job is French diplomat Patrice Bergamini, who worked close to Ms Ashton’s predecessor, Javier Solana, and helped draft the EU’s first security strategy in 2003.
The appointment could give France a monopoly on the EEAS security side, however. French diplomat Christine Roger is to be the new PSC president.
French official Claude-France Arnould is the new head of the EU Council’s civilian-military crisis planning office. A French secret service agent runs SitCen’s intelligence-sharing cell. And French diplomat Pierre Vimont is tipped to become EEAS secretary general, in charge of the body’s internal security structures.
“It would be good to have a German appointment to make sure that Germany is engaged at the highest levels. Somebody with a diplomatic and a security or intelligence background,” the source in the EU institutions said.
“Nationality can be overplayed. Intel is sensitive, so in that sense you do not want to play up the [director’s] national connections,” the contact familiar with SitCen’s work says.
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